Author: Daniel-Andre Meier – 02/02/2026
Between Brussels and Eurasia: How Domestic Reforms Are Changing Central Asia’s Role
Amid profound changes in the global system of international relations and a reassessment of the European Union’s foreign policy priorities, Brussels’ interest in Central Asia has increased markedly. Sanctions against Russia, intensifying competition with China, and Europe’s desire to diversify energy supplies and logistics routes have made the region one of Brussels’ key foreign policy priorities.
This course has received practical confirmation through the intensification of political dialogue and a shift toward concrete projects—from transport infrastructure and energy to the supply of critical raw materials. A special place in the European agenda is occupied by the development of the Trans-Caspian International Transport Route, which Brussels views as one of the few genuinely functioning alternative corridors between Europe and Asia. Within this logic, growing attention is being paid to states capable of ensuring institutional stability, investment predictability, and large-scale transit operations.
Central Asian countries, in turn, demonstrate a pragmatic understanding of the opportunities opening up. Increased interest from the EU is being used as a tool to expand foreign economic ties and strengthen negotiating positions. A key role in this process is played by domestic reforms aimed at modernizing the economy, increasing regulatory transparency, and improving conditions for foreign investors.
Against this backdrop, particular attention is drawn to states that already possess a developed regulatory framework and a solid track record of interaction with European institutions, while consistently advancing internal reforms that largely resonate with the European agenda.
Notably, these processes are gaining recognition not only at the level of bilateral contacts but also from pan-European institutions.
Thus, recently in Strasbourg, the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe adopted a written declaration entitled “Supporting Democratic Reforms and Regional Leadership of Kazakhstan.” The document was initiated by British parliamentarian Michael Gorman, a representative of the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe, and was signed by 21 PACE deputies representing various countries and political groups. The declaration emphasizes the timeliness and scale of the domestic political transformations underway in Kazakhstan and highlights the country’s commitment to a course of democratic development.
The authors of the document highly praise the consistent steps taken by Kazakhstan’s leadership to implement constitutional and legislative reforms, abolish the death penalty, and strengthen the principles of the rule of law. Particular emphasis is placed on cooperation between Kazakhstan and the Council of Europe in areas such as judicial reform, anti-corruption efforts, human rights protection, and the development of democratic institutions. According to PACE, this interaction has already yielded tangible results and has strengthened Kazakhstan’s positioning as one of the regional leaders in institutional development.
A factual confirmation of the depth and systemic nature of these processes was President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev’s address on January 21, 2026, at the National Kurultai, where he announced the launch of a new stage of state reforms. Notably, the Kurultai itself—a consultative body created on Tokayev’s personal initiative as a platform for public dialogue—is to be abolished in its current form. Instead, a fundamentally new model of institutional arrangement is being proposed.
According to the announced decisions, the name “Kurultai” will be given to a new unicameral parliament, which within a year will replace the existing bicameral legislative body—the Mazhilis and the Senate.
The procedure for electing parliamentarians is also changing. All deputies of the Kurultai will be elected by popular vote for a five-year term exclusively through a proportional system based on party lists, with a minimum threshold of 5 percent. This eliminates the previous asymmetry between direct and indirect elections that existed within the bicameral parliamentary system.
“…Our main goal is to create a truly effective and professional parliament. The new legislative body must fully support the large-scale changes taking place in the country from a legislative standpoint…,” Kassym-Jomart Tokayev emphasized.
Significant changes also affect the system of representation of various social groups. The Assembly of the People of Kazakhstan—a consultative body established in 1995 and endowed with special parliamentary quotas—is being abolished. The president announced the rejection of any exceptional mechanisms of parliamentary representation, stressing that the new parliament does not require quotas or appointed mandates.
In place of the Assembly of the People of Kazakhstan and the National Kurultai, the creation of a new body—the “Halyk Kenesy” (People’s Council)—has been initiated. It will have the status of the country’s highest consultative body and the right of legislative initiative. Its composition will include representatives of ethnocultural associations, public organizations, local representative bodies, and regional public councils. At the same time, as the president noted, the People’s Council should become an instrument of institutional dialogue rather than political control.
Another key element of the reform will be a change in the structure of the highest executive authority. Kazakhstan is abolishing the post of State Secretary and establishing the institution of Vice President, which will be enshrined in the Constitution following a referendum. The Vice President will be appointed by the president with the consent of parliament and is expected to focus on international activities, parliamentary interaction, and communication with public and expert communities.
Taken together, these steps testify to Kazakhstan’s aspiration to move toward a more orderly and institutionally structured model of governance. For external partners, including the European Union, such changes increase the predictability of the political system and strengthen the arguments in favor of deepening long-term cooperation—both in economic and political terms.
